Islamic view on dating
By introducing new norms to the arenas of modern social life, Islamic moral subjectivity implies lifestyles, forms of sociability, and ways of being in public, which disrupt the liberal foundation of Western modernity., 19), they represent 1.6 million people, that is 2.7% of the total population.Their highest concentration is found in the big cities of the south and the center of England, that is London, Birmingham, Manchester, Bradford, and Leeds.In the media, as well as in political discourse, the growing visibility of Islam in the public space of Western societies is often interpreted as proof of the rise of religious fundamentalism.
The appearance of Sharia councils, improperly called “Islamic tribunals” by the press, reflects the transformations of Muslim religious practice in England.
Informed by my long-term immersion in the field of Islamic law in the UK, I analyse the tensions that emerge when gender norms derived from Islamic prescriptions related to modesty and self-restraint come to contradict the logics of the liberal market, which incites customers to maximise value for money.
Participants’ difficulty to perform “the good Muslim” in the competitive environment of “match-making” reveals the intrinsic fragility of religious norms and the inherent ambiguities and doubts, which mark the modern human experience.
Another illustration of this fundamental uncertainty is the Islamic certification “” no longer exclusively refers to behaviours and life habits authorized by the sharia, nor does it concern only meat, but nowadays includes diverse goods and services, the use of which opens up various aspects of life and enjoyment to Muslims, while at the same time making them their own (Göle ” enters the commercial sphere and is presented as a guarantee of virtuous life.
In counterpoint to recent studies, which concentrate on the “ethical formation” of the subject via the pursuit of virtuous dispositions (Mahmood ), this article is less invested in studying the pedagogy of piety than in examining actors’ ethical engagement via everyday practices of leisure, consumption and sociability.
By mapping out urban spaces where certain “moral rubrics” (Deeb and Harb drawn from sharia law take root in public life and by documenting the everyday practices of observant Muslims striving to lead a modern and ethical lifestyle, my aim was to study Western modernity from the perspective of its periphery.